The first round was a combination of 295 votes by the party's lawmakers in parliament and the same number allocated based on the votes of rank-and-file party members for a total of 590 ballots. Voting by party members was completed by Friday, and all ballots were tallied and announced after the lawmakers' vote. In the first round, Takaichi received 183 votes and Koizumi 164. Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshimasa Hayashi won 134 votes. As no candidate earned a majority, the top two proceed to a runoff and compete for 342 votes -- 295 for lawmakers and 47 for the chapters in all prefectures. The prefectural chapter votes went to the runoff candidates who won more in the party members' vote.
Takaichi, 64, a conservative nationalist who lists former British leader Margaret Thatcher as one of her role models, was an ally of assassinated former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Japan's longest-serving leader. But there are concerns that Takaichi's nationalistic historical views could cause friction with China, Japan's top trading partner.
Koizumi, 44, the son of former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, would have been Japan's youngest leader since Hirobumi Ito, who was just a few months younger than Koizumi when he became the country's first prime minister in 1885.
Takaichi has been a long-time admirer of Britain's first female prime minister, Margaret Thatcher. She is now ever closer to fulfilling her Iron Lady ambition. But many women voters don't see her as an advocate for progress. Takaichi is a staunch conservative who's long opposed legislation allowing women to keep their maiden names after marriage, saying it is against tradition. She is also against same sex marriage. A protégé of the late former leader Shinzo Abe, Takaichi has vowed to bring back his economic vision, known as Abenomics – which involves high fiscal spending and cheap borrowing. The LDP veteran is hawkish on security and aims to revise Japan's pacifist constitution. She's also a regular visitor of the controversial Yasukuni shrine where Japan's war dead including some convicted war criminals are memorialised. She will likely be confirmed by parliament, although not automatically like her predecessors because the ruling party is in a much weaker position now having lost its majority in both houses.
The elegant ladies at Mrs Lothor's tea ceremony class were universally dismayed by today's news.
Former Finance Minister Shunichi Suzuki, a key member of a faction led by former Prime Minister Taro Aso, has been tapped as the next secretary-general of the Liberal Democratic Party, making Suzuki the right-hand man of new party president Sanae Takaichi and reflecting Aso's growing influence. Suzuki, 72, Aso's brother-in-law, will be in charge of the LDP's overall operations. Former Secretary-General Toshimitsu Motegi, an Aso ally who also supported Takaichi, is expected to be appointed to one of the Cabinet posts, possibly foreign minister.
Rather a lot of Americans in Japan post on social media about how Japan should be tough on immigration, seemingly without any understanding that such policies would affect them.I just read up on her. Seems she opposed to immigrants, like what I hope to be. Not sure how I feel.
Gerry Curtis declared that, going to hasten the decline and the eventual collapse of the LDP." In a speech to the Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan, Curtis said, "It's not if, it's just when. It could happen fairly soon," as the LDP is likely unable to deliver what the people need. He also stressed that Japanese politics is going through the same process seen elsewhere, with the incumbent ruling and opposition parties losing popular support to more extreme parties, because they remain unable to provide answers to the "anger and resentments" of their voters. [...] I'd note two other details. While other leading candidates for LDP President vowed to increase wages—without giving a clear idea of how they'd so—Takaichi did not even bother to make even an empty promise. She just offered the same promises that lost the LDP the Lower and Upper House elections: some cash handouts and perhaps some temporary tax credits (not tax cuts, even temporarily). Initially, in a debate, Takaichi was the only candidate who said that trade pact former PM Shigeru Ishiba negotiated with Donald Trump had some unfair elements and she might seek to renegotiate it. Then she walked that back, praising Ishiba's handling of the issue and dropping any intention to renegotiate.
As for the existing coalition partner Komeito, Curtis believes it will remain, despite its chief, Tetsuo Saito, clearly hinting at a potential dissolution of the decades-long partnership immediately following Takaichi's election if its concerns are not addressed. Curtis revealed a conversation he had two days ago with a former Komeito leader whose further identity he left anonymous. The former leader told him that Komeito has no real choice but to remain in the coalition. Even if the LDP is to court the Japan Innovation Party, which is competing with Komeito for supporters in the Osaka area, the party cannot afford to lose its current status in the government and its guaranteed cabinet position.
The Yasukuni Shrine issue, which has been a source of controversy, will test the LDP-Komeito coalition, as Saito has explicitly raised concerns about Takaichi's visit to the Shinto shrine as prime minister. Curtis foresees Takaichi refraining from doing so, saying such an act would be "so foolish of her, especially in her first year, to create a major diplomatic incident because she wants to go" there as prime minister. Unlike previous LDP prime ministers, Curtis believes Takaichi does not need to prove herself by visiting the shrine for "domestic political reasons," as she is already popular among the party's conservative supporters.
Similarly, Curtis believes Takaichi will not do much regarding Japan's relationship with China. His wish is for Takaichi, a well-known China hawk, to use "common sense" and "find ways to get along" with a neighbour that 15 years ago surpassed Japan to become the second-largest economy and also has one of the most well-funded militaries. However, he senses a "danger" in Takaichi where "she will be only focused so hard on security."
"If the Japanese are not careful, they are going to end up like us, and I don't wish that on anybody," he said, alluding to President Donald Trump winning the presidency for a second time. "This country, and the party, is at a dead end. They have to find a new route, or it's going to disappear."
It's complicated. Here's the situation for the UK as best as I understand.The news makes it sound like all of Europe is having trouble with immigrants causing disruption and crime. Since I don't live there , no idea if it a major problem.
All fair points, but while the billionaire-owned New York Times glosses over the fact that there is a fascist in the throes of serious cognitive decline in the White House in its political reporting, it lacks credibility when it talks about wealth distribution and what is best for Western democracies.I couldn't read the article either so I asked AI to give me a summary of it.
The writer of the New York Times article entitled "The West is Lost" expresses an opinion that loss has become a pervasive and defining condition in contemporary life in both Europe and America. The article argues that economic, demographic, infrastructural, and geopolitical setbacks have eroded the optimism and power that Western societies once took for granted. The writer sees a decline marked by deindustrialization, aging populations, degraded public systems, housing crises, and a retreat from the liberal democratic order, which breeds a strong sense of insecurity and grievance.
The writer further critiques the modern Western ethos by highlighting the denial of loss amid a secular faith in continuous progress, stating that this denial is no longer tenable. The rise of right-wing populism is framed as a predictable response to widespread loss and disillusionment, though populism offers only false hopes.
The article proposes several ways to confront this pervasive loss: through a politics of resilience that strengthens societies against harm, redefining progress towards sustainability rather than endless growth, redistributing gains and losses more justly, and ultimately acknowledging and integrating loss into collective narratives. The writer concludes that liberal democracies must abandon naive promises of perpetual improvement in favor of narratives that accept loss, vulnerability, and redefined progress to find a possible path to renewal.
In sum, the writer's opinion is a somber but thoughtful call to confront and integrate inevitable losses rather than deny them, suggesting this is crucial for the future health of Western societies and liberal democracy itself.