The Japanese government itself refused.
The Japanese government itself refused to hold a national referendum on its Constitution in the past.
In 1945, the Allied Powers told the government to review the Constitution to decide within two years whether any revision was needed and, if necessary, hold a national referendum to change it.
In 1947, then Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida told the Diet that the government had no intention of revising the Constitution, striking a constitutional referendum off the political agenda.
Since then, however, some Japanese major politicians, including the Tokyo Governor Ishihara and some prime ministers, have invariably argued that the Allied Powers created the constitution and forced Japan to accept it and that it is invalid.
It is a fallacy.
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The next article is from Asahi.com. As this site disappears in a week, I dare to copy the whole text below.
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EDITORIAL: Referendum law flawed
05/14/2007
An Upper House special committee on Friday passed a controversial bill to create a system for national referendums on constitutional amendments. The bill is set to become law with the expected approval by the Upper House in a plenary session Monday. Many Japanese must feel puzzled at the fact that the legal procedures for rewriting the Constitution have been established in such a hasty manner.
The nation certainly needs legislation for constitutional referendums. Unfortunately, efforts to inform the public about the bill or related issues have been anything but sufficient.
Sixty years ago, in fact, debate arose about a national referendum on the Constitution.
On March 30, 1947, just before the Constitution was put into effect, the Page 1 headline of The Asahi Shimbun said, "New Constitution to be Reviewed: National Referendum Mulled."
The report said the Allied Powers told the government that it could review the Constitution to decide within two years whether any revision was needed and, if necessary, hold a national referendum to change it.
The aim was to ensure that the postwar Constitution was based on the free will of the people, according to the report.
The proposal was discussed widely in the public and private sectors from various viewpoints. Two years later, however, then Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida told the Diet that the government had no intention of revising the Constitution, striking a constitutional referendum off the political agenda. In the ensuing years, the Constitution became widely accepted among the people.
A constitutional referendum is held to allow the people, where sovereign power resides, to decide on any proposal to amend the Constitution. It is an important procedure because it is the way to legitimize a constitutional amendment. The rules for constitutional referendums should, therefore, be based on the broadest possible consensus among the people--as should any change to the Constitution.
In a regrettable abuse of its parliamentary majority, however, the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito rammed the referendum bill through the Upper House committee Friday, just as it did earlier in the Lower House.
The blame for this unfortunate situation rests with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. In his determination to make constitutional revision the main plank of his campaign for the Upper House election in July, Abe has politicized the debate on referendum legislation.
The formulation of the referendum rules should not have been linked to a specific political position on constitutional change. The debate should have been focused on how to ensure that the results of these referendums accurately reflect the people's will. But Abe's decision to make the issue of constitutional changes a key component of his political strategy has caused, not surprisingly, the opposition to be inflexible on the debate.
Abe's political calculation seems to be that the enactment of a law for constitutional referendums, after 60 years of neglect, will be a major political achievement bearing his fingerprints, which should leave a strong impression on voters before the Upper House poll.
Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan), for its part, is apparently maneuvering to use Abe's political exploitation of the bill as ammunition for its attacks against him and his ruling coalition during the election campaign.
After the Lower House passed the bill, we argued it should be killed in the Upper House. Many unsolved issues remain with this important piece of legislation concerning the Constitution, including whether to set a minimum turnout requirement for the validity of a referendum.
It is wrong to prematurely terminate debate on these issues based on the political consideration of elections and other matters.
The ruling coalition's move to rush the bill through the Diet will harden the opposition camp's attitude and make it politically harder to promote constitutional amendments.
It is ironic that the constitutional referendum law, to be enacted after six decades of neglect, diminishes the chances of amending the Constitution.
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 12(IHT/Asahi: May 14,2007)